Informing Judicial Challenge to Jurors' Stereotypes in Rape Trials
Submitting Institution
University of NottinghamUnit of Assessment
LawSummary Impact Type
LegalResearch Subject Area(s)
Psychology and Cognitive Sciences: Psychology
Law and Legal Studies: Law
Summary of the impact
Research conducted at the University of Nottingham has played a key role
in developing new guidance for judges giving directions to juries in rape
trials in England and Wales. The research explored the influence of
providing (mock) jurors with education to counter `rape stereotypes'. Its
findings fed into the work of an Expert Panel, convened by the
Solicitor-General, and played a key role in supporting the inclusion of
`myth-busting' directions in the Crown Court Benchbook. These may alter
the ways in which jurors deliberate and ensure greater justice.
Beneficiaries include the CPS, judges, jurors, rape complainants, criminal
justice practitioners and policy-makers, and the general public.
Underpinning research
Amongst the most commonly cited problems facing rape prosecutors is the
tendency of defence lawyers to portray the not-uncommon behaviour of women
who delay reporting, fail to physically resist, or appear calm whilst
recounting an attack as `unusual' or inconsistent with a genuine
complaint. In some jurisdictions where the jury play a central role in
determining liability, prosecutors have introduced evidence to `educate'
jurors on the reactions of rape victims. In 2006, the Office for Criminal
Justice Reform proposed something similar in England and Wales. This was
based on two assumptions: (i) that certain complainant behaviours
(including courtroom demeanour, delayed reporting and failure to resist)
adversely impact upon jurors' perceptions; and (ii) that expert testimony
could educate jurors' understandings.
An ESRC funded project, conducted jointly by Louise Ellison (Leeds) and
Vanessa Munro (since September 2007, Professor of Socio-Legal Studies at
the University of Nottingham), sought to test these assumptions, and to
consider whether providing guidance via judicial instruction rather than
expert testimony would offer an equally — if not more — effective
alternative. The research used a method that Munro had developed in a
previous study exploring the impact on jurors of a rape complainant's
intoxication. Both investigators had published extensively on sexual
violence and rape prosecution: Munro specialising on social attitudes and
critique of consent, and Ellison specialising on evidential and
prosecutorial dimensions. Several articles have resulted, but articles (a)
and (b) below are the most relevant to its impact.
Article (a) examines the extent to which the jury-service eligible
members of the public, recruited to participate in the study, were
influenced by the complainant behaviours noted above. Our findings
supported concerns regarding the limits of current public understanding as
to what constitutes a `normal' reaction to sexual attack, and its
implications on jury deliberation. Many participants were adamant that a
complainant would immediately report her assault, be visibly distressed
whilst giving testimony and struggle against an attacker such that
additional injuries would have been sustained (either against the victim
or the attacker — or, optimally, against both).
Article (b) explores the extent to which guidance (whether provided by an
expert witness or by judicial instruction) shifted these expectations.
Participants who received guidance were more likely to question the
significance that could be attached to the timing of a rape complaint and
were more willing to accept that a `genuine' victim could exhibit few
signs of distress whilst testifying. Most continued, however, to expect
the complainant to physically resist, and to have sustained injury. It is
possible that expectations of force and resistance are so deeply ingrained
that attempts to disavow jurors of them through education in the rape
trial are unlikely to be successful. But it is also possible that guidance
which specifically addressed the feasibility of freezing in acquaintance
as well as stranger rapes could have been more effective. We found that
jurors responded in broadly similar ways regardless of whether guidance
was presented by an expert near the start of the trial or by the judge at
the end.
References to the research
a) Ellison & Munro, `Reacting to Rape: Exploring Mock Jurors'
Assessments of Complainant Credibility' (2009) 49 (2) British Journal
of Criminology 202 - 219 [DOI: 10.1093/bjc/azn077]
b) Ellison & Munro, `Turning Mirrors into Windows? Assessing the
Impact of (Mock) Juror Education in Rape Trials' (2009) 49 (3) British
Journal of Criminology 363 - 383 [listed in REF2]
c) Ellison & Munro, `Of `Normal Sex' and `Real Rape': Exploring the
Use of Socio-Sexual Scripts in (Mock) Jury Deliberation' (2009) 18 (3) Social
& Legal Studies 1 - 22 [DOI: 10.1177/0964663909339083]
d) Ellison & Munro, `A Stranger in the Bushes or an Elephant in the
Room?: Critical Reflections on Received Rape Myth Wisdom in the Context of
a Mock Jury Study' (2010) 13(4) New Criminal Law Review 781 - 801
[DOI: 10.1525/nclr.2010.13.4.781]
e) Ellison & Munro `Getting to (Not) Guilty: Examining Jurors'
Deliberative Processes in, and Beyond, the Context of a Mock Rape Trial'
(2009) 30(1) Legal Studies 74 - 97 [listed in REF2]
f) Ellison & Munro, `Complainant Credibility and General Expert
Witness Testimony in Rape Trials: Exploring and Influencing Mock Juror
Perceptions', ESRC End of Award Report and Briefing Report, both available
at http://www.esrc.ac.uk/my-esrc/grants/RES-000-22-2374/read
All of the journals listed here are highly regarded and internationally
peer-reviewed. The research has been cited widely by academics across a
range of disciplines, including law, criminology, psychology, sociology,
and gender studies. At the end of the project, its output and impact were
rated by independent ESRC peer-reviewers as `outstanding'.
The research was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council via a
Small Research Grant (reference RES-000-22-2374), running from November
2007 — February 2009.
Details of the impact
In January 2008, Munro was invited to join an `expert panel' created by
the Solicitor-General. It was tasked with reviewing the Office for
Criminal Justice Reform proposals and creating a template from which
educational guidance designed for dissemination to jurors in rape trials
could be developed. Whilst this work was ongoing, the Court of Appeal
approved an expansive judicial direction that sought to dispel juror myths
in relation to — amongst other things — the relevance of delayed rape
reporting. In light of this, and in a context in which the Office for
Criminal Justice Reform's proposals to make greater use of expert evidence
had been met with reluctance by some legal professionals, the
Solicitor-General raised the question of whether judicial instructions
would provide a more appropriate medium. The emerging (and subsequently
published) findings of our ESRC study confirmed that judicial instruction
could have a positive impact, and were influential in the
Solicitor-General's decision to support their development by judges. As
the Solicitor-General notes:
"The panel and I benefitted from the findings of this research as it
unfolded, which not only highlighted the existence of misconceptions about
rape amongst the public, but also, crucially, confirmed the positive
corrective influence of educational guidance on juror decision-making.
This in turn played a key role in framing the recommendations of the panel
to introduce a form of educational guidance to counter juror
stereotypes..... [T]he research by Professors Munro and Ellison, in
indicating that well-crafted extended guidance provided by the judge could
have a productive effect on juror decision-making, directly influenced my
decision in 2009 to support the introduction of judicial instructions in
rape cases" (Source A).
On the completion of the research, we produced a briefing report
outlining key findings (see (f) above), which was distributed widely to
criminal justice policy-makers and practitioners in the UK and overseas.
In 2009, we were invited to present these findings at a series of Judicial
Studies Board (JSB) Annual Training Seminars for judges who preside over
serious sexual assault cases. It is extremely rare for academics to be
invited to present on their own research in this forum. In 2010, the JSB
issued revised guidance to judges, which now includes a series of extended
directions designed to counter dubious myths and expectations on the part
of jurors in rape cases. Our research is directly cited in support of the
appropriateness of this approach in the Crown Court Benchbook (Source C).
Moreover, the influence and value of our research in this regard has been
confirmed by the Solicitor-General ["The research has subsequently also
influenced the development of dedicated judicial directions that judges
are encouraged (and frequently do now) use in rape cases, which were
issued by the Judicial Studies Board" — Source A] and Judge Peter Rook,
QC, Senior Circuit Judge at the Old Bailey who, from 2006-2011, was
responsible for organising compulsory Judicial Studies Board Training on
Serious Sexual Offences, and played a key role in developing the judicial
directions ["I started to provide judges with draft directions. It was
important for those of us developing such directions to know their likely
impact. In this task, we were greatly assisted by the research carried out
by Louise Ellison and Vanessa Munro" — Source B].
The directions contained in the Crown Court Benchbook provide a model for
use by trial judges when directing juries in sexual offence cases. Their
use remains optional, but the recognition that they afford to the need
for, and value of, `myth-busting' guidance is of considerable importance,
and members of the senior judiciary have confirmed that they are
frequently utilised. These directions may change the overall tenor of the
rape trial, alter the ways in which jurors go about their deliberative
task, and ultimately ensure greater justice. As such, they have
significant consequences for criminal justice practitioners, individual
complainants and the general public. The Contempt of Court Act 1981
currently prevents us from knowing about the substantive content and
processes of `real' jury deliberations, but the experience of those most
closely involved in the administration of justice in rape cases suggests a
marked and positive impact:
"[T]his important research...played a significant part in bringing about
jury trials that are fairer to sex case complainants. In particular, there
has been a revolution in judicial directions in the trial of
non-consensual sexual offences...Judges are trained to give [the
directions in the Crown Court Benchbook]. They have changed sex case
trials...They have led to a reduction, if not the complete elimination, of
fallacious reasoning" (Source B).
Internationally, the research has been used by those advocating for
similar reform in other jurisdictions, such as New Zealand (Source E), and
has been cited with approval in the United States by the Minnesota Supreme
Court (Source D).
Sources to corroborate the impact
Source A: Statement by Vera Baird, QC — Police and Crime Commissioner for
Northumbria, but formerly Member of Parliament and Solicitor-General
during the relevant period
Source B: Statement by Judge Peter Rook, QC — Senior Circuit Judge at the
Old Bailey who, from 2006-2011, was responsible for organising compulsory
Judicial Studies Board Training on Serious Sexual Offences, and played a
key role in developing the judicial directions
Source C: Crown Court Bench Book, 2010 Edition. Available at:
http://www.judiciary.gov.uk/Resources/JCO/Documents/Training/benchbook_criminal_2010.pdf
(p. 356)
Source D: State of Minnesota v Nathan Obeta, 24th March 2011,
No. A10-1349, Minnesota Supreme Court. Decision available at: http://caselaw.findlaw.com/mn-supreme-court/1561561.html
Source E: E. McDonald & Y. Tinsely, From Real Rape to Real
Justice: Prosecuting Rape in New Zealand (2011), Victoria University
Press, Wellington.