Promoting free and fair elections and democratization in Africa
Submitting Institution
University of OxfordUnit of Assessment
Area StudiesSummary Impact Type
SocietalResearch Subject Area(s)
Studies In Human Society: Policy and Administration, Political Science
Summary of the impact
Dr Nic Cheeseman's research has informed and influenced electoral
practices in Kenya and
Zambia. In Kenya, his work shaped the findings of the official Kreigler
Commission, whose report
on the controversial elections of 2007 led to the restructuring of the
electoral commission. In
Zambia, his advice led the UK Department for International Development
(DfID) to include
parliamentary scorecards and the training constituency based officers of
the National Assembly as
part of its democracy promotion activities for the first time, and
resulted in the World Bank adopting
a more flexible Country Partnership Strategy. Dr Cheeseman also influenced
the way in which
policy makers prepared for and responded to electoral crises, establishing
an innovative academic
`Early Warning and Long-term Monitoring Team' to support the work of the
UK government around
the 2013 Kenyan elections. His advice enabled representatives of the UK to
identify potential new
sites of violence and to increase the pressure on the electoral commission
to better communicate
electoral procedures to the public, which contributed, albeit in a small
way, to a peaceful election.
Underpinning research
The research that Dr Cheeseman has conducted at Oxford University since
2008 addresses the
questions of how elections lead to violence and how political systems can
be designed to promote
more accountable and effective government. His work on political parties
in Zambia demonstrated
that even in ethnically diverse societies, political leaders could still
mobilize large support bases by
crafting programmatic policies and harnessing them to populist political
machines (2008b; 2013).
He also demonstrated that, in contrast to much of the literature which
suggests that African politics
can be treated as an `ethnic census', Zambian political leaders were so
concerned about public
opinion that they regularly changed their positions on key policy issues
in response to the policy
proposals of rival parties and the public mood (2008b). Research conducted
for the International
Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) as
part of a £20,000
research project went further, and suggested that, in many African
countries, there were untapped
`programmatic constituencies' that could be mobilized by parties. Finally,
research as part of a
£700,000 UK Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) grant on
executive-legislative
relations in new democracies found that contrary to conventional wisdom,
many African presidents
lack secure legislative majorities. As a result, they must deploy a range
of legislative `tools' such as
patronage to pass legislation, which in turn generates a number of
negative externalities,
undermining the development of durable political parties and the quality
of legislative scrutiny and
thus harming the prospects for democratization (2013).
The combination of this research led Dr Cheeseman to argue that African
politics could be made
more `programmatic' or `policy based' by increasing the information
available to citizens regarding
the activities and performance of their MPs, strengthening the ties of
communication between
citizens and representatives, and enhancing the policy capacity of
political parties. He therefore
advocated that donors should enhance the information available to citizens
about their
representatives and assist political parties to enable them to better
anticipate and respond to
popular concerns.
Dr Cheeseman also conducted research on elections and violence. Combining
testimony from
those on the ground in Kenya with theories of state collapse, he
identified four processes that had
led to post-election violence in Kenya in 2008: the creation of rigid
communal identities, the
informalization of state institutions, the evolution of a deeply divided
political elite, and the gradual
diffusion of capacity for violence to non-state actors such as militias
(2009). He also explained the
pattern of voting by showing that while rigging had occurred, it had not
done so on the scale
alleged by the opposition (2008a). This research and the special issue of
the Journal of Eastern
African Studies that Dr Cheeseman co-edited with Daniel Branch (Warwick
University) shaped how
the `Kenya crisis' came to be understood.
In related work, Dr Cheeseman found that that one of the most important
factors in explaining
turnover is whether or not the sitting president contests the polls
(published in Journal of
Democracy 2010). When this is not the case—and there is therefore an
`open-seat' election—the
opposition is 33% more likely to win. These finding enabled Dr Cheeseman
to develop a
framework for assessing when elections were most likely to result in a
change of power and
electoral violence. On the basis of this research, Dr Cheeseman argued
that the 2013 Kenyan
elections, in which the incumbent cannot stand, had the potential to lead
to an opposition victory
and so would be particularly prone to electoral violence.
References to the research
• `The 2007 Kenyan Election: An Introduction', Journal of Eastern
African Studies, 2 (2) pp. 166-184
(2008a). DOI:10.1080/17531050802058286 (This specialist journal is the
number one
journal for eastern African studies. The special issue (co-edited with
Dr Branch) has already
been cited over 150 times).
• `Parties, Platforms, and Political Mobilization: The Zambian
Presidential Election of 2008',
African Affairs, 109 (434) pp. 51-76 (2008b) [with Maja Hinfelaar].
DOI: 10.1093/afraf/adn065
(At the time this article was published, African Affairs was the No 1
journal in African Studies
and Area Studies).
• `Democratization, Sequencing, and State Failure in Africa: Lessons from
Kenya', African
Affairs, 108 (430) pp. 1-26 (2009) [with Daniel Branch]. DOI:
10.1093/afraf/adn065 (At the time
this article was published, African Affairs was the No 1 journal in
African Studies and Area
Studies. This article was the most downloaded and cited article
published by the journal in the
last three years and was subsequently included in a compilation of
essential works: Jean
Grugel (ed), Democratization, London: Sage.)
• `The Internal Dynamics of Power-sharing in Africa', Democratization
18, 2 (2011).
DOI:10.1080/13510347.2011.553358 (Democratization is one of the most
widely cited journals
on democracy, impact factor: 0.917).
• `African Elections as Vehicles for Change', Journal of Democracy
21, 4 (2010). DOI:
10.1353/jod.2010.0019 (The Journal of Democracy is one of the most
widely read policy
journals, impact factor: 1.008).
• `Rethinking the "Presidentialism Debate": Conceptualizing Coalitional
Politics in Cross-Regional
Perspective', Democratization (2013a) [with Paul Chaisty and Tim Power].
DOI:10.1080/13510347.2012.710604 (Democratization is one of the most
widely cited journals
on democracy, impact factor: 0.917) — This article was in part supported
by the ESRC grant on
executive-legislative relations)
Details of the impact
In Zambia, Dr Cheeseman designed a democracy and accountability program
for DfID that
included a number of innovative policies to foster a more accountable and
responsive government.
This impact came about as a result of Dr Cheeseman's publications on
Zambia, political parties
and the challenges of cultivating effective accountability and legislative
scrutiny in new
democracies, and his experience of briefing the UK High Commissioner to
Zambia and his Deputy
in 2011-12. Relatively few scholars have worked on the political economy
of Zambia under the
Kaunda, Chiluba and now Sata administrations, and so Dr Cheeseman was
uniquely well suited to
the project. As a result, in May 2012, he was asked to draft a
multi-million pound Business Case to
guide DfID's democracy promotion activities in Zambia for the next five
years. As DfID Governance
Advisor Sam Waldock explains, `Nic's work on DFID Zambia Business Cases
helped us to analyse
the viability of proposed interventions and suggest a few new
interventions.'[1]
Following an assessment of a number of options identified by DfID Zambia,
Dr Cheeseman
conducted a period of fieldwork in July 2012. Based on this experience and
his prior research, he
recommended that DfID launch a Scorecard for MPs, through which Zambian
voters will be able to
access a summary of the activities of their MPs in key areas. A second new
proposal was to
provide training for the staff who operate MPs Constituency Offices for
the first time, enabling them
to better educate and serve their constituencies. A third strategy
proposed by Dr Cheeseman was
to provide think tanks for political parties to enable them to develop
more rounded and considered
manifestoes. This significantly expanded DfID's general framework for
democracy promotion
activities, which has very rarely engaged directly with political parties
to date. Taken together,
these policies represent an important evolution in the way that the UK
government conducts
democracy promotion activities in Zambia — a change that will provide
greater information to
citizens, strengthen ties of vertical accountability, and hence support
the evolution of a more
effective democracy in the long-run.
Similar work on the political economy of the new Patriotic Front (PF)
government that Dr
Cheeseman conducted in June 2012 as a consultant for the World Bank also
had a significant
impact, leading the Bank to adopt a more pragmatic approach in response to
the contradictions at
the heart of the PF's policy platform. According to Governance Officer
Kate Bridges, Dr
Cheeseman's work was `absolutely critical' to the development of the
Bank's Country Partnership
Strategy, and his `report has consistently been referred to ... The candid
diagnosis of the barriers
to effective donor intervention (particularly in key Bank sectors such as
agriculture, roads and
mining) has had a direct effect on the work plan that country staff
ultimately agreed upon and the
sectors we decided to prioritise. Nic's emphasis on the policy incoherence
and idiosyncratic
leadership ... led us to develop a CPS that has enshrined flexibility as a
core principle ... In short,
Nic's work has helped contribute to us having one of the most politically
responsive and aware
CPS strategies to date.'[2]
In Kenya, Dr Cheeseman's research both shaped the UK government's
approach to the 2013
general elections and strengthened the ties between academic research and
the policy process
more generally. This impact evolved out of a deep engagement with the UK
Foreign and
Commonwealth Office (FCO) over a number of years[3]. In 2009,
he delivered a workshop to the
Cabinet Office of the UK government on the prospects for unrest, and has
briefed every High
Commissioner to Kenya since 2008. These sessions led the FCO to ask Dr
Cheeseman to
organise and deliver a `Diplomatic Excellence Day' attended by the entire
Africa Directorate of the
FCO in Oxford in November 2011. Consistent policy engagement facilitated
the integration of
academic and policy communities, leading to further requests for academic
input on policy issues.
Based on this experience, Dr Cheeseman and two colleagues (Gabrielle Lynch
of Warwick
University and Justin Willis of Durham University) argued that, given the
potential for election
violence, donors required more systematic and longer-term academic
engagement ahead of the
2013 elections. The Africa Conflict Prevention Pool (ACPP) Programme of
the UK government —
which draws together DfID, the FCO and the Ministry of Defence (MoD) —
agreed and provided
almost £70,000 to fund the project. The resulting `Early Warning and
Long-term Monitoring' project
brought together 10 British and Kenyan experts to conduct regular
fieldwork and draft and submit
monthly reports. Dr Cheeseman helped manage the project, drafted reports,
edited the work of
others, wrote executive summaries, and regularly presented the project's
findings to policy makers
in London and Nairobi. To the best of our knowledge, this was the first
time that an academic team
of this size has been systematically integrated into the UK's election
management strategy.
The project was deemed such a success that, in May 2013, the Foreign and
Commonwealth Office
asked Dr Cheeseman and his colleagues to apply for ESRC Knowledge Exchange
funding as Co-PIs
in order to extend the relationship and consider the policy lessons that
can be learnt from the
elections. Writing in support of that application, Political Officer
Tamsin Clayton noted that the
project had `met all of its aims and objectives' and that `reports and
discussions have informed
ACPP planning and policy advice regarding potential hotspots and the
credibility of forthcoming
elections by a) confirming existing knowledge, b) providing additional
detail and c) offering fresh
analysis. Two of the most significant contributions of this project have
been the geographic
coverage provided, which is difficult for London and Nairobi-based ACPP
staff to garner, and the
insightful analysis of potential conflict areas and the effectiveness of
potential interventions, such
recommendations on areas to focus on going in to the election including
placement of international
election observers - and discussions regarding responses to different
election and post-election
scenarios.'[4]
More specifically, the advice of the academic team was important in
helping the UK government
identify likely locations of conflict. Dr Cheeseman argued that due to
different patterns of coalition
politics, inter-communal violence would not erupt on the same cleavage as
2007/8. It was therefore
essential that the DfID, FCO, and MoD pay greater attention to Luo
communities living on tea
farms and along the borders with Kikuyu and Kalenjin communities. The
Early Warning project also
highlighted the danger posed by poor levels of voter education and the
mixed messages given by
the Electoral Commission, leading DfID to put greater pressure on the
Commission to use the
national media to explain the electoral process. In this way, the team
played a small role in
promoting a credible and peaceful process. The reports were considered to
be extremely valuable
to important policy decisions and so were shared with the donor and NGOs
community, most
notably with the US State Department and the National Democratic Institute
(NDI), from their
inception in December 2012 through to the end of the project in June 2013.
Writing to thank Dr
Cheeseman for his input during the election, Jonnie Carson, the Assistant
Secretary of State for
African Affairs (who reports directly to the US Secretary of State, Hilary
Clinton) wrote, `Many
thanks for including me on your running commentary of the Kenyan elections
... I appreciate the
insights, the perspective and the data that you provided ... given your
rich knowledge of Kenya,
your views were important in helping us to shape our own'. Project
findings were also shared with
the Dutch government through a presentation in the Hague.
Dr Cheeseman also shaped the findings of the Independent Review
Commission[i] (IREC — popularly
known as the Kriegler Commission), the official investigation into the
2007 elections
established by the Kenyan government in 2008. In part, the Commission
assessment on the extent
of electoral manipulation was guided by Dr Cheeseman's article in the Journal
of Eastern African
Studies — which was frequently cited in the final document — where
he argued that in many
constituencies the discrepancy between the vote for the ruling party in
the presidential and
parliamentary elections resulted from the presence of strong independent
candidates in
parliamentary contests. These candidates often drew support away the from
ruling party's
candidates, and it was often this, and not ballot box stuffing, that
explained why the ruling party did
better in the presidential election. The Commission also cited Dr
Cheeseman's work in support of
the conclusion that one of the main problems in the election was the lack
of independence of the
Electoral Commission. This was significant because the Kriegler
Commission's laid down the
blueprints for the design of a more autonomous electoral management body
ahead of the 2013
election. According to Jorgen Elklitt, the Secretary of the Commission,
`During this work it was very
useful for me — but also for the IREC Chair, Judge Johann Kriegler — to
have access to the special
issue of the Journal of Eastern African Studies of which Dr
Cheeseman was a guest editor. The
content of this issue of the journal contributed substantially to our
understanding of the entire
situation ... and helped us to formulate some of the many complicated
questions we had to look
into.'[5]
Research findings were also disseminated to a mass audience through
appearances on BBC
News 24, the World At One (Radio 4), the Today Program (Radio 4), RFI
Radio (French World
Service), Material World (BBC Radio 4), and The One Show (BBC 1 —
approximately 5 million
people watched the program). Most notably, Dr Cheeseman's column in the
Daily Nation — the
highest selling newspaper in East and Central Africa with a daily
circulation of 205,000 — has
helped to bring important debates and research findings to ordinary
Kenyans, many of whom
correspond with him regularly.
Sources to corroborate the impact
Testimony
[1] Statement from Governance Advisor, DfID
[2] Statement from World Bank Governance Officer
[3] Corroboration of engagement with the FCO available from Former
FCO Research Analyst,
Africa Research Group
[4] Statement from FCO Political Officer
[5] Statement from Secretary to the Kreigler Commission
Other Evidence Sources
[i] The Kreigler Report (Nairobi, 2008): http://www.communication.go.ke/media.asp?id=737