Evidence and causes: impact on practice
Submitting Institution
London School of Economics & Political ScienceUnit of Assessment
PhilosophySummary Impact Type
SocietalResearch Subject Area(s)
Medical and Health Sciences: Clinical Sciences, Public Health and Health Services
Psychology and Cognitive Sciences: Psychology
Summary of the impact
Nancy Cartwright has undertaken highly influential research on causation,
evidence for causes,
and the generalizability of evidence from one context to another. This
work influenced a number of
bodies looking into practical issues of evidence and policy-making both in
the UK and the US and
led to her being extensively consulted by those bodies — consultations
which led to direct impacts
on policy. This case-study concentrates on three Impacts from the UK: (a)
a Department for
International Development [DFID] Study Group aimed at improving methods
for evaluating the
effectiveness of aid interventions; (b) a body consisting of a number of
institutions concerned with
mental health aimed at influencing the way NICE evaluates evidence for
psychological ("talking")
therapies; and (c) Professor Eileen Munro's investigation into Child Care
in the UK, leading to her
extremely influential Report.
Underpinning research
Research Insights and Outputs:
Within the LSE Philosophy Department there is a long-standing tradition
of research into the
methodology of clinical trials, the epistemic virtues and limitations of
randomization (RCTs), and
the general issue of evidence in medicine. This research goes back to
Peter Urbach and was
continued by John Worrall. Nancy Cartwright, as well as developing her own
slant on the initial
issues, has importantly extended the discussion in a number of ways; in
particular by extending the
analysis (a) beyond medicine to the social sciences where RCT methodology
has also become
particularly prominent; and thence (b) to the area of the impact of
evidence (whether from RCTs or
other research studies) on policy [References 1-5].
There are a number of innovations in Cartwright's approach, but the
central contribution of interest
here concerns the issue of the generalizability of evidence for the
effectiveness of some proposed
treatment from the precise conditions of a clinical trial to the
invariably messier situation in which
we would like to apply the treatment. Her work argues that, even supposing
that randomizing gives
us perfect information about the effectiveness of an intervention within a
trial, it by no means
follows (either in medicine or in the social realm) that that intervention
will work `for us' — i.e. in
some non-trial situation to which we might apply it. She highlights a
number of cases in which the
results of trials failed (often spectacularly) to generalize.
This problem has often been discussed under the heading of `external
validity'. Cartwright's
original contribution is best understood against the background of her
detailed and influential
analysis of causation in terms of `capacities'. Cartwright shows what
conditions must be assumed
to hold if indeed some experimental result is to generalize in the
appropriate way; shows how
robust those assumptions are; and indicates carefully the sorts of
evidence that we need if we are
to have any grounds for supposing that those assumptions do indeed hold.
She analyses what it
means for a factor to have a `stable capacity to promote some outcome' and
argues that we have
grounds for holding that evidence is likely to generalise only if that
evidence includes evidence for
some stable capacity. She shows that no RCT on its own can establish (or
even provide strong
evidence for) the existence of stable capacities (and nor can any other
single investigation in the
tradition of Mill's method of difference). She also shows in detail the
sorts of epistemic problems
that need to be overcome if we are to claim evidence for capacities. Her
conclusion is that there is
no escaping the reliance on background theories. This runs contrary to the
underlying view of
RCT-advocates who (erroneously) see the chief virtue of RCTs as that of
ruling out all possible
confounders and hence being independent of theory.
Cartwright's work, then, has important implications for policy both in
medicine and in social science
and policy: having grounds to think that some intervention will work in
the way its proponents
would like it to can never be a question of just doing sufficiently many
and sufficiently careful RCTs
(or Mill's methods studies more generally). We must be aware of the
difficulties and complexities
involved in the `will it work for us' issue and, where necessary, learn to
handle uncertainty. This
has helped promote a much more nuanced view of evidence in these areas.
Key Researchers: All of the work and impact cited here was carried
out while Cartwright was a
staff member at LSE from 1991-2012. Professor Cartwright joined Durham
University in Summer
2012.
References to the research
[1] Cartwright, N. Hunting Causes and Using Them: Approaches in
Philosophy and Economics.
Cambridge University Press, 2007. LSE Research Online no: 20464
[2] Cartwright, N. Evidence Based Policy: A Practical Guide to Doing
it Right. (with Jeremy Hardie)
Oxford University Press, 2012. LSE Research Online no: 51407
[3] Cartwright, N. `Evidence-Based Policy: What's to be done about
Relevance?' Philosophical
Studies 143 (1), 127-136, 2009. DOI number: 1007/s11098-008-9311-4
[4] Cartwright, N. `What are Randomised Controlled Trials Good For?' Philosophical
Studies 147
(1),59-70, 2010. DOI number: 10.1007/s11098-009-9450-2
[5] Cartwright, N. `Will This Policy Work for You? Predicting
Effectiveness Better: How Philosophy
Helps' Philosophy of Science, 79 (5), 973-989, 2012. LSE Research
Online no: 37070
Evidence of quality: all publications are in top journals or with
high quality university presses.
Details of the impact
[a] Overseas Development Assistance
Cartwright's work brought her to the attention of a number of bodies
concerned with policy (and
with the right ways for evidence to impact on policy) in the US as well as
in the UK. For example, a
study was commissioned in 2011 by the DFID (Department for International
Development) into
`Broadening the Range of Designs and Methods for Impact Evaluations' [6]
with the particular
impact at issue here being that of aid initiatives. Cartwright was
extensively consulted as an
advisor to the study team headed by Elliot Stern. The Study Group
published their DFID Report in
2012. Stern [7] wrote to Cartwright on publication: `I am grateful for
your inputs both active (in your
very helpful comments) and indirectly by informing us through your
writings.' There are 14
references to Cartwright's work (often leading into extensive
presentations of her views) in the
Report [6] especially to her [1] and [2]]; the Appendix, characterised as
a `Background Paper' to
the Report and with the title `Models of Causality and Causal Inference`
draws almost entirely and
in detail on her approach; section 3.62 entitled `The `strength' of causal
influence' draws on her
distinction between `clinchers' and `vouchers' [Cartwright [1])]; and
section 4.5 is entitled `Impact
Evaluation Question 4: Will the Intervention Work Elsewhere?' which is the
central question that
Cartwright is addressing in her work. Donor agencies (including the World
Bank, OECD, and
country donors such as DFID) have organised conferences discussing the
report's findings and
have used its findings in staff training. Stern co-produced a report for
the Research Program on
Aquatic Agricultural systems (part of the Collaborative Group on
International Agricultural
Research), which explicitly cites Cartwright and draws on her analysis of
causation and evidence
(see [8]). Through the DFID report, Michael Woolcock, Lead Social
Development Specialist at the
World Bank's Development Research Group, has become influenced by
Cartwright's views — a
recent working paper [9] makes much of Cartwright and Hardie's book. And
Cartwright's ideas are
influencing researchers at the World Bank more generally (see, e.g.,
[10]).
[b] Mental Health Care Provision
The New Savoy Partnership is a grouping of organisations — including the
Royal College of
Psychiatrists, the United Kingdom Council for Psychotherapy (UKCP), Mind
and several others —
aimed at improving mental health care provision in the UK. It had noted
that concerns had been
raised by a Health Select Committee Inquiry in 2007 about the evaluation
methodology used by
NICE (the National Institute for Clinical Excellence) for `talking
therapies'. The Partnership
determined in 2011 to return to this issue with a view to affecting NICE
procedures directly. A
working party was set up with Cartwright as a member. This led to a
roundtable discussion which
produced a series of questions to be raised at a Keynote Panel discussion
at the
Partnership's Conference in September 2011 — this panel was chaired by Sir
Michael Rawlins,
then Head of NICE and included Cartwright (see [11]).
The views of the working party were published in a report by UKCP [12].
In line with Cartwright's
views, this report suggests `that an over-reliance on RCT evidence is
likely to impair and distort
guideline recommendations for psychological therapies'. It points out
([12], p.5) that `what works in
a particular place [may be] less good at predicting whether something
would work for other people
in other places; and suggests that `studies need to focus much more on how
treatments work
(mechanisms of change) and the factors that support or hinder them in
different ... contexts' (pp. 5-6).
These points are at the core of Cartwright's work. The group subsequently
agreed a
`consensus statement on evidence' [13] submitted to NICE as a proposed
`starting point for NICE
to review its approach'. Cartwright was one of 9 initial signatories of
this statement. This in turn
informed the submission made by UKCP to the Health Select Committee
Inquiry into NICE in
Autumn 2012 which called, inter alia, for a `more pluralistic approach to
the evidence base around
effective treatments in relation to mental health'. At that 2012 Health
Select Committee Inquiry the
incoming head of NICE, Professor David Haslam, committed himself to a
review of the way NICE
assesses the effectiveness of psychological therapies — discussions with
NICE are on-going and
changes to their Public Health Guidelines in line with UKCP's proposals
are expected ([14]).
[c] The Munro Report
Professor Eileen Munro from the LSE's Social Policy Department became
interested in
Cartwright's work on causes and evidence, and was one of the researchers
on the project
`Evidence for Use' led by Cartwright and housed at the LSE's CPNSS. The
two did research
together leading to a joint paper in 2010 ([15]). This paper shows the
extent to which Munro's
views on evidence for the effectiveness of intervention were shaped by
Cartwright's. It considers
the case of multisystemic therapy, `an internationally adopted
intervention to try to diminish
antisocial behaviour in young people'. It argues, following Cartwright's
general line, that evidence
for the effectiveness of this therapy has incorrectly been sought in terms
of RCTs and the like,
whereas the issue of whether the therapy will work in practice requires a
much more subtle view of
the evidence — essentially looking to build up evidence for the existence
of a stable capacity. ([15],
pp.260-3)
At the time that this joint research was published (2010), Munro was
asked by the Secretary of
State for Education to review the UK child protection system in the wake
of `Baby P' and other
cases. She produced her final Report in 2011 ([16]).
Unsurprisingly the approach to evidence that
Munro took in producing that Report reflects Cartwright's
influence. According to Munro ([17]),
Cartwright's work, `helped form ... the whole approach [taken in the Report]
to the real role of
research findings in [the] area and especially to the role of expertise
and expert reasoning'. And
she further attests (ibid.):
The Report, in particular chapter 6, and even more especially
sections 6.31 to 6.39 bear the
direct hallmarks of Cartwright's analysis. It would have been very
different without her impact
that helped me clarify my thinking on the role and limitations of research
findings and to have
confidence to challenge the dominant version of evidence-based practice.
These sections
have the title `Using Evidence' and then cover a range of types of
evidence. Without
Cartwright's influence on my work, I would have gone along with the
dominant usage where
`evidence' is being equated with "empirical research findings".
The Report made 15 recommendations, all of which were accepted by
the Government ([18]), thus
producing major changes in the education of social workers involved in
child care, the appraisal of
their work and impact, and the child care system in general ([19], [20]).
The Report has also had
impact beyond the UK. For example, Munro was asked to give evidence to two
state government
reviews of child care in Australia and a charity in Queensland is running
a campaign to persuade
the state government to learn from her work.
Sources to corroborate the impact
All sources listed below can also be seen at: https://apps.lse.ac.uk/impact/case-study/view/78
[6] Broadening the Range of Design and Methods for Impact Development.
Department for
International Development, Working paper 38, April 2102
https://apps.lse.ac.uk/impact/download/file/883
[7] Email from Head of the DFID Study Group, 19th May 2012.
This source is confidential.
[8] Email from Head of the DFID Study Group, 28th May 2013.
This source is confidential.
[9] Michael Woolcock `Using case studies to explore the external validity
of `complex' development
interactions' WIDER Working Paper No 2013/096. October 2013.
http://www.wider.unu.edu/publications/working-papers/2013/en_GB/wp2013-096/
[10] World Bank blog on development impact http://blogs.worldbank.org//impactevaluations/why-similarity-wrong-concept-external-validity
Source files:
https://apps.lse.ac.uk/impact/download/file/1594
[11] Letter from Head of UKCP, 16 July 2012. This source is confidential.
[12] Liz McDonnell `Looking at the evidence: a discussion of how NICE
assesses talking therapies'
UKCP Research Faculty Committee Report, 2012 https://apps.lse.ac.uk/impact/download/file/1595
[13] The New Savoy Partnership Consensus Statement
(http://www.newsavoypartnership.org/consensus-statement.htm)
[14] UKCP evidence to the Health Select Committee inquiry into NICE,
Autumn 2012 and news of
reaction from NICE : http://www.psychotherapy.org.uk/nice_campaign.html
[15] Cartwright, ND and
Munro, E (2010) `The limitations of randomized controlled trials in
predicting effectiveness,' Journal
of evaluation of clinical practice, 16(2), 260-266. ISSN 1356-1294
https://apps.lse.ac.uk/impact/download/file/1596
[16] Munro, E (2011) The Munro Review of Child Protection, Final
Report: A Child-centred System.
London. Department for Education. https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/munro-review-of-child-protection-final-report-a-child-centred-system
Source files:
https://apps.lse.ac.uk/impact/download/file/1597
[17] Letter from Professor Eileen Munro, dated 21/05/2013. This source is
confidential.
[18] Confirmation of acceptance of the report's recommendations by UK
government
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/a-child-centred-system-the-governments-response-to-the-munro-review-of-child-protection
Source files: https://apps.lse.ac.uk/impact/download/file/1599
[19] Munro, E. 2012 Progress Report: Moving towards a child-centred
system, London, DfE.
https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/180861/DFE-00063-2012.pdf
Source files: https://apps.lse.ac.uk/impact/download/file/1600
[20] Munro, E. 2013 Working together to Safeguard Children, 2013,
London, DfE. (Implementation
of Recommendations) http://media.education.gov.uk/assets/files/pdf/w/working%20together.pdf