UK public attitudes towards international development aid
Submitting Institution
University College LondonUnit of Assessment
Politics and International StudiesSummary Impact Type
PoliticalResearch Subject Area(s)
Economics: Applied Economics
Summary of the impact
Hudson and Hudson's research into public attitudes towards international
development has (1)
influenced the UK's Department for International Development's approach to
surveying public
support. DFID has changed the design of their long-standing survey as a
result of the research and
the OECD is incorporating it into the design of its proposed global
solidarity poll. The research (2)
was at the heart of a recent and influential report, Finding Frames,
commissioned by Oxfam and
DFID, that has reshaped the way in which the development sector approaches
public engagement.
(3) It formed the foundation of the 2013 #IF Campaign's public engagement
strategy with the
campaign's polling being explicitly based on the research findings.
Underpinning research
The underpinning research examined the underlying drivers of individual
support for international
development aid and the quality and design of the survey instruments used
to gather this data. It
was an original investigation into why people do or do not support
international development
assistance at the individual level. Existing polling work is limited,
merely reporting aggregate levels
of support and is based on weak survey questions. The research shows the
limits of this approach.
Two key findings emerge from the research:
Individual drivers of support for development aid (see [a] Section
3). Although the UK government
has increasingly sought to justify development aid in terms of the
national interest rather than
framing it in more traditional moral terms, there is virtually no evidence
on what drives attitudes at
an individual level. Using national survey data from the Department for
International Development,
the research tested whether support for development is correlated with
self-interested and/or moral
reasons for giving aid. Using a binary logistic regression model we found
differential effects for
moral and self-interested attitudes on concern for poverty. Individuals
who believe there are moral
reasons for granting development aid are more likely to be concerned about
poverty in developing
countries. Self-interested attitudes are negatively related to concern. We
further divided self-interested
justifications into those that affected individuals personally and those
that were in the
national interest: `personally affected' was positively related to concern
but `national interest' was
negatively related. The findings have implications for the way in which
aid is framed in public
engagement strategies: justice and morality work better than self-interest
in trying to engage the
public.
Survey design and validity (see [b] in section 3). This paper
provides a critical review of existing
survey tools used in the UK, US and Europe to collect data on public
attitudes to development. It
demonstrates that existing measures suffer from poor measurement validity.
This is because the
questions used in the survey instruments are poorly designed and collect
`cost-free' expressed
support but do not tap real political support where respondents have to
make relative judgements
about the importance of development aid. In addition the paper shows that
the collected data has
not been systematically analysed. In particular, reported findings fail to
control for knowledge-levels
or perceptions of aid effectiveness, both of which are widely thought to
affect support. Finally, the
paper argues that researchers and policymakers have failed to analyse the
underlying drivers of
support for development aid in the first place. All of these factors
undermine the quality of the
evidence base for policymakers and other stakeholders.
The research was carried out between April 2008 and the present, by David
Hudson (Lecturer
2005-2011, Senior Lecturer 2011-ongoing) and Jennifer van Heerde /
Jennifer vanHeerde-Hudson
(Lecturer 2003--2011, Senior Lecturer 2011-ongoing).
References to the research
[a] Peer-reviewed journal article: vanHeerde, J. and Hudson, D.
(2010) `"The Righteous
Considereth the Cause of the Poor?": Public Attitudes Towards Poverty in
Developing
Countries', Political Studies, 58 (3): 389-409. DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.2009.00800.x
[b] Peer-reviewed journal article: Hudson, D. and
vanHeerde-Hudson, J. (2012) ``Mile Wide and an
Inch Deep': Surveys of Public Attitudes Towards Development Aid', International
Journal of
Development Education and Global Learning, 4 (1): 5-23. http://ssrn.com/abstract=2015216.
Details of the impact
The development sector — including government, the third sector, and,
since 1999, the UK's
Department for International Development (DFID) — has followed a strategy
of building support for
development, monitoring success through annual surveys of public opinion.
With expenditure cuts
and a ring-fenced aid budget, public attitudes to development have become
salient in policy terms.
The research addressed these issues and has had a demonstrable and
material impact upon
thinking, policy and practice through three channels:
- It has reshaped DFID's approach to surveying public attitudes towards
development as well
as the OECD's proposed global poll;
- It has reshaped the debate across the sector through the Finding
Frames Report;
- It has shaped the #IF Campaign's work on Monitoring, Evaluation, and
Learning.
1. DFID and OECD surveys on public support for development
In January 2009 the UK House of Commons International Development
Committee (IDC), noting
that public support is essential to an effective development policy,
launched an inquiry into Aid
Under Pressure, to which the UCL researchers submitted evidence. The
evidence, based on the
underlying research above, argued that DFID did not know as much as it
could or should about the
nature of public support for development in the UK [1]. The submitted
evidence was later written up
in [a] and [b]. That evidence suggested that the survey data was based on
a question badly
adapted to gauging levels of support. In particular it tapped concern in
general rather than a more
valid indicator such as support for government spending on development
assistance in relation to
other parts of the budget such as the NHS, police, jobseeker's allowance.
DFID also failed to
explore or control for relevant individual covariates of support — such as
political attitudes,
knowledge, or newspaper readership — which would allow for a more
fine-grained approach to `the
public'. On the basis of the written evidence we were invited to give oral
evidence to the IDC, which
we did in March 2009 [2].
The evidence formed the backbone of Chapter 4 of the Committee's final
report [3]. (See, in
particular, notes 220, 221, 225 and 228 and pp. 62-3.) It challenged
existing practice, with the
Report noting that "The Secretary of State told us that the question of
the methodology used in
DFID's surveys was not one that the Department had considered." [3, pp.
44-45]. One of the
Report's recommendations was:
"If DFID is to build public support for development effectively it needs
first to establish what
people's attitudes are. This requires the collection of information that
truly reflects public
opinion. We do not believe that DFID's surveys, as they are currently
designed, achieve
this. They focus on whether people are concerned about poverty, rather
than whether they
would support increased funding for development, nor do they attempt to
assess the relative
importance people place on development compared to domestic policy areas
such as health
and education. We recommend that DFID examines how it assesses the level
of public
support for development and redesigns its surveys to address the
weaknesses we have
identified." [3, p. 45]
The recommendation was taken up by DFID and alterations were made to the
national survey of
public attitudes towards development from 2009 onwards. An explanation of
the new measures of
support was provided near the beginning of the 2009 Survey Report, which
directly cites the IDC
recommendation that came from our research:
"The IDC Aid Under Pressure report in June 2009 suggested that the DFID
attitudinal
survey, as previously conducted, did not effectively establish people's
support for
development aid. In particular, it questioned the usefulness of the
measure of `concern'
towards poverty in developing countries and argued that it might be more
helpful to ask
what priority should be given to increased spending on development
assistance compared
to other policy areas, such as the NHS or law and order, so as to
establish its relative
importance. In response to this, the most recent wave included two new
questions to
establish these priorities. Respondents were asked to consider a number of
global or
international issues (16 in total) where taxpayers' money is spent and to
select their top five
most important for the Government to spend money on. In addition, they
were asked to
prioritise support for poor countries relative to five domestic issues,
ranking those issues in
order of priority, a question previously asked in the segmentation study."
[4, p. 3]
More recently, the OECD — which is the main bilateral aid forum — has
started work on a cross-national
survey into public support for development. A `roadmap' has been
commissioned for this
Global Solidarity Opinion Poll [5]. The report cites our research, noting
that: "the most important
issue to be settled for any public opinion poll: to ensure what it is that
we want to measure and
then to look at how to do that. The former starts with acknowledging that
support, opinion, attitude,
knowledge, awareness (which are often used interchangeably) are in reality
different concepts."
2. The Finding Frames Report and best practice
in the UK development sector
The highly influential Finding Frames report was published in
2010 by Oxfam and the umbrella
organisation for British Overseas NGOs for Development (BOND) [6]. The
report argues that the
way in which `development' is presented to the pubic matters and has
definitively shifted the
debate in the UK development sector — helping cement the idea that a
deeper, more complex
conversation is necessary [7]. The report draws on a rich psychological
literature on values and
behaviour to develop an argument for `reframing' how development is
presented to the public, for
example to move away from notions of charity or aid towards justice and
dialogue. The report
notes the distinct lack of evidence about the values that drive public
engagement with
development, before identifying the underpinning research as the exception
and going on to outline
the arguments of van Heerde and Hudson 2010 [a] and Hudson and vanHeerde
Hudson [b] [6].
The Report, influenced by the research, which is explicitly referenced at
pp. 16, 20, 48-9, and 59,
has shifted the debate in the sector as well as what is considered best
practice.
-
Best practice: The Finding Frames report has directly
shaped the design of current large-
scale campaigning initiatives. For example, in May 2011, Oxfam launched
a new 4-year
global campaign across all 17 of its country organisations called GROW
[8]. The campaign
was explicitly designed using the Finding Frames report [8].
Other key initiatives, such as
the Global Poverty Project's 1 Billion Reasons, the Gates
Foundation, and the 2013 #IF
Campaign (see below), use the Finding Frames report to design
their public engagement
work.
-
Debate: The most recent report on UK public attitudes, jointly
published by Institute for
Public Policy Research and the Overseas Development Institute [9], picks
up on our
arguments about moral vs. self-interested framing, citing both our
published papers. They
conclude that attempts by DFID "to reframe the case for development as
being in Britain's
self-interest do not resonate as much as approaches that focus on what
is `right' or fair." [9,
p. 23]. The report has helped shift the public and media debate, with
this specific finding
being reported in The Guardian and the New Statesman.
The #IF Campaign
In anticipation of the June 2013 G8 meeting in the UK, over 100
organisations came together in a
coalition to launch the #IF Campaign in January 2013. The campaign had
four main demands: aid
increases, stopping land grabs and tax dodging, and increased financial
transparency. It aimed to
change the quality of public engagement with development to secure policy
change.
The campaign has a number of key performance indicators, many of which
pertained to public
support; the monitoring and evaluation was done through a national poll in
three waves with a
sample size of 1,500 from January to June 2013. This was the largest such
poll in the sector's
history, and the survey design was explicitly based on Hudson and Hudson's
research [10] — with
their suggested measures of support, additional questions on knowledge,
political attitudes all
being used. In early January both researchers were invited to sit on the
campaign's Monitoring,
Evaluation, and Learning Working Group to help with the design and
analysis of further public
engagement data collection and analysis. Thanks to the research, the
campaign had `a realistic
understanding of public support for each stage' enabling it to refine its
strategies for `maximum
advocacy impact with the government' [10].
Sources to corroborate the impact
[1] van Heerde, J. and Hudson, D. (2009) Written evidence submitted to
the International
Development Committee (IDC) for the `Aid Under Pressure: Support for
Development Assistance
in a Global Economic Downturn'.
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200809/cmselect/cmintdev/179/179we23.htm
[2] Hudson, D. (2009) Oral evidence given to International Development
Committee. 31 March
2009. http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200809/cmselect/cmintdev/uc179-iii/uc17902.htm
[3] IDC (2009) Aid Under Pressure: Support for Development Assistance in
a Global Economic
Downturn. Final report of the IDC Inquiry. (See pages 43-44)
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200809/cmselect/cmintdev/179/179i.pdf
[4] TNS (2009) Public Attitudes Towards Development. New questions added
to the DFID Annual
Public Attitudes Survey as a result of IDC Inquiry and specifically our
evidence (see p. 13, citing
the IDC evidence in [3])
http://collections.europarchive.org/tna/20100423085026/http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Documents/publications/Public%20Attitudes%20Towards%20Development%20Report%20November%202009.pdf
[5] Pollet, I., Huyse, H. Schulpen, L. and Keulemans, S. (2011) Global
Solidarity Opinion Poll: A
Roadmap, Leuven-Nijmegen: HIVA-CIDIN. Available on request.
[6] Darnton, A. and Kirk, M. (2011) Finding Frames: New Ways of Engaging
the Public on Poverty.
Darnton and Kirk draw on our research in this influential report
commissioned by Oxfam and DFID.
(see e.g. pages 26, 20, 48-49)
http://www.findingframes.org/Finding%20Frames%20New%20ways%20to%20engage%20the%20
UK%20public%20in%20global%20poverty%20Bond%202011.pdf
[7] Hogg, M. (2011) Do we need a deeper, more complex conversation with
the public about global
issues? A review of the literature, London: Think Global. Available on
request.
[8] Green, D. (2011) `Why is the new Oxfam campaign called `GROW'? The
importance of
framing', http://www.oxfamblogs.org/fp2p/?p=5613
[9] Glennie, A., Straw, W. and Wild, L. (2012) Understanding public
attitudes to aid and
development, London: Institute for Public Policy Research & Overseas
Development Institute.
http://ippr.org/images/media/files/publication/2012/06/public-attitudes-aid-
development_June2012_9297.pdf.
[10] A statement corroborating the benefits of the research for the IF
campaign was provided by
the Research Lead, IF Campaign, and is available on request.