Evaluating Freedom of Information
Submitting Institution
University College LondonUnit of Assessment
Politics and International StudiesSummary Impact Type
LegalResearch Subject Area(s)
Studies In Human Society: Policy and Administration, Political Science
Summary of the impact
The 2000 Freedom of Information Act was the subject of post-legislative
scrutiny by the Ministry of Justice and the Commons Justice Committee in
2011 and 2012. Both the Ministry and the Justice Committee drew heavily on
work by Professor Robert Hazell and colleagues in the Constitution Unit at
UCL. The Unit developed the conceptual approach to evaluate the impact of
FOI, and provided much of the evidence base. The evidence contributed to
the decision that, despite pressure from senior political and Whitehall
figures, the Act would not be significantly amended.
Underpinning research
Between 2007 and 2011 Professor Robert Hazell (Director of the UCL
Constitution Unit) led two ESRC research projects studying the impact of
the Freedom of Information Act 2000:
- FOI and Whitehall (2007-2009), with Dr Ben Worthy (Research Associate)
and Mark Glover (Research Assistant)
- FOI and Local Government (2009-2011), with Dr Worthy (Research
Associate) and Gabrielle Bourke (Research Assistant).
Mark Glover left UCL in July 2009, and Dr Worthy and Gabrielle Bourke
left in June 2012, at the end of two further projects studying FOI and
Parliament, and FOI and universities. In addition, Jim Amos was Honorary
Senior Research Associate at the Constitution Unit (2000-2013).
FOI is generally supposed to be a `good thing'. But why — what is it good
for? The key conceptual contribution of the research was to analyse its
objectives, and to develop a framework for evaluating its impact. Through
analysis of White Papers, ministerial speeches and parliamentary debates,
FOI was seen to have two primary aims: to increase transparency, and to
strengthen accountability. It also had four secondary aims: to improve the
quality of government decision-making; increase public understanding of
government; and increase public participation, and trust in government.
In examining the extent to which FOI had met its objectives, the research
included 175 interviews: mainly with officials, but also with MPs, peers,
journalists, FOI requesters and campaigners; an online survey of FOI
requesters; analysis of press articles using FOI; analysis of case law;
and analysis of public authorities' FOI disclosure logs.
In both projects FOI was found to have delivered the first two objectives
(transparency and accountability), but has not delivered the remaining
four (references [a] and [b] in section 3). The amount of information
released has significantly increased since the Act, and government is more
open. FOI has been used by the media, MPs and campaigners to make
government more accountable.
But interviews with officials suggested FOI had not improved the quality
of government decision-making. Nor had it increased public understanding,
because few requesters use the Act to access policy papers, and the media
rarely report policy disclosures. Public participation has not increased
as a result of FOI, because less than 1% of the population make FOI
requests. As for trust, newspaper reporting helps explain why FOI has not
increased trust, because two thirds of the FOI press stories which we
analysed were found likely to decrease trust.
The research found no evidence that FOI had adversely affected the
working of Whitehall, nor local government. Despite serious investigation
there was no evidence of a `chilling effect', which might have taken three
forms: reduction in the frankness of official advice; in the quality of
the official record; and in the supply of information to government. The
research concluded that when information is not properly recorded or
shared, it is generally due to factors other than FOI, such as fear of
leaks. The belief that FOI has a chilling effect is widespread, but there
is little hard evidence of this effect ([a,] [c], [d] and [e] in Section
3). The research findings thus challenged several powerful myths about
FOI: some advanced by FOI advocates (that FOI increases public
understanding and trust in government); some advanced by FOI critics (that
FOI has had a chilling effect on policy advice and deliberation within
government).
In 2008-09 the Constitution Unit did a separate study for the Information
Commissioner on policy advice which also covered the chilling effect. In
2010 we did some limited work on the costs of FOI. And from 2006 to 2011
we conducted an annual survey of FOI in local government, to assess the
volume of requests and their cost. All this information helped to inform
the Ministry of Justice, and the Commons Justice Committee when they
embarked on their Post-Legislative Scrutiny of FOI in 2012.
References to the research
[a] R. Hazell, B. Worthy and M. Glover, Does FOI Work? The Impact of
the Freedom of Information Act on Central Government in the UK. ISBN
978 0 230 25034 5. Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. 325 pp. Available on request.
[c] R. Hazell and D. Busfield-Burch, `Freedom of Information and Policy
Advice' Public Law April 2011, pp. 260-283. Available on request.
The key research grants were peer reviewed, both from the ESRC:
Impact of FOI on UK central government, ESRC RES 062 23 0164, grant holder
Professor Robert Hazell, Jan 2007 to March 2009, £158k plus £40k from
Department for Constitutional Affairs.
ESRC Grading: Excellent
Impact of FOI on local government, ESRC RES 062-23-1748, grant holder
Professor Robert
Hazell, July 2009 to Oct 2011, £235k. ESRC Grading Good.
Details of the impact
The underpinning research strongly influenced the 2012 report of the
Commons Justice Committee reviewing the operation of the FOI Act [see 1 in
section 5], and the Ministry of Justice memorandum submitted to that
review [2].
House of Commons Justice Committee
At its first evidence session on 21 February 2012 the Justice Committee
invited Hazell, Worthy and Amos (all of UCL) to give evidence [3]. The
research team also made three written submissions to the Commons Justice
Committee, which were published by the Committee (Ev 126, 169, 194 [4]).
They also gave private briefings for government ministers; senior
officials responsible for FOI; and for the Information Commissioner and
his staff.
The Committee's report on the Freedom of Information Act, Post
Legislative Scrutiny of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 (HC
96-1, July 2012), makes over 40 references to the Constitution Unit's work
[1]. Typical references include: `The question whether the Act had
actually had an effect on public understanding of Government decision
making was explored by the Constitution Unit in its major piece of
research on whether the Act had achieved its objectives.' (para. 40); `The
Constitution Unit ... found that public participation in decision-making
had not been greatly improved in central Government because ...' (para.
41).
UCL research underpinned the Committee's conceptual approach. The
Committee adopted the same analytical approach as the Constitution Unit's
research, identifying the same two primary objectives and four secondary
objectives for FOI — to increase transparency strengthen accountability
for the former and to improve the quality of government decision making,
increase public understanding of government, increase public participation
and increase trust in government for the latter — (ch. 2 of [1],
especially para. 11). Citing the Constitution Unit's evidence 13 times,
the Committee came to the conclusions established by the research: the two
primary objectives of greater transparency and accountability had been
met, but the four secondary objectives had not (ch 2). On the secondary
objectives of improving the quality of government decision-making, and
increasing public understanding and public trust, the government cited the
Constitution Unit research and agreed with the findings (paras. 206-215).
The Committee found that the objective of increasing public trust and
confidence in Government, Parliament and other public authorities
may have been unrealistic because, as found following research by the
Constitution Unit, the vast majority of people experience freedom of
information through news stories and these are more likely to be negative
in tone than otherwise. The Committee noted the Constitution Unit research
as showing that the Act had had "no generalisable impact on trust" (para.
35), as well as the media analysis which had shown that the press tends to
use FOI stories to portray government in a negative light (paras. 35-37).
The Justice Committee devoted a separate chapter of their report to the
`chilling effect', the fear that FOI has damaged the quality of
policy advice and of the public record. They adopted the Constitution
Unit's definition of the chilling effect, and cited the research 15 times.
In the core section of the chapter the research was reported in nine
consecutive paragraphs, concluding:
"The Constitution Unit's research on FOI is the first major piece of
research of its kind and is a valuable contribution to the debate around
FOI. In its consideration of the chilling effect, the Unit broadly
concluded that the effect of FOI appeared negligible to marginal. We note
this finding and have taken it into account in our deliberations" (para.
190).
The next two paragraphs cited contrary evidence from Sir Gus O'Donnell,
but the report concluded that no legislative change was required.
The Justice Committee also used the research when assessing the costs
of FOI, at paras. 87 and 138. They drew upon the Unit's annual
surveys of the costs to local authorities (para. 87); its surveys of
requesters and their motivations (para. 41); and its finding that
publication schemes do not work (paras. 20, 24-5).
The Committee recognised the rigour of the research, relying as
it did on over 150 interviews and five different research methods. Their
report stated: "The largest body of research on the impact of FOI is the
work carried out by the Constitution Unit between 2007 and 2009, looking
at its effect on central Government, local government and Parliament. As
the most important research-based source of evidence on FOI, it is worth
considering in some detail. The Unit's research methods included:
interviews with 56 officials in eight central Government departments, 90
officials and others across 16 local authorities, 30 MPs, peers and
officials at Westminster, as well as journalists, requesters and
campaigners; an online survey of FOI requesters; analysis of press
articles using FOI; analysis of FOI case law; and analysis of disclosure
logs" (para. 182).
Ministry of Justice Memorandum
The Ministry of Justice Memorandum to the Commons Justice Committee (Dec
2011) makes frequent references to the Constitution Unit's research, which
is cited 12 times in the Memorandum itself, and 21 times in the Appendices
[2] In the Memorandum's literature review the Unit's research is cited in
half of all the footnotes (26 out of 56). The review opens by saying:
"Much of the fieldwork in this topic area has been conducted by members of
the Constitution Unit at University College London's Department of
Political Science. Their research is methodologically robust, encompassing
multiple methodologies including quantitative surveys of FOI requesters,
officials and stakeholders; interviews with parliamentarians, civil
servants and Information Tribunal members; analysis of media coverage; and
analysis of Information Tribunal cases" (p. 82).
Like the Justice Committee, the Memorandum adopted the UCL conceptual
approach identifying the same objectives (transparency and
accountability as primary and improving the quality of government decision
making, increasing public understanding of government, increasing public
participation and increasing trust in government as secondary (paras.
195-218 and pp. 84-87, [2]). The Memorandum came to similar conclusions as
the UCL research as to the extent to which these objectives had been
achieved.
On the question of trust, the Memorandum cites and endorses the
following conclusion from UCL research: "FOI was oversold, by its
advocates and by ministers, and labours under the burden of unrealistic
objectives. To policy audiences we stress the need to lower expectations
of what FOI can deliver; and explain that FOI is unlikely ever to increase
trust, because the government's battle with the press over bad FOI stories
is one that can never be won" (p. 87, [2]).
Reach of the impact
In advance of the 2012 review a number of senior politicians expressed
strong concerns about the FOI Act, with Tony Blair and Jack Straw claiming
that the Act had been a terrible mistake. They claimed it had stifled
frank advice and open discussion within government. The research findings
challenged this: there is very little evidence to substantiate the claim
that FOI had a chilling effect. Much stronger causal factors were the fear
of leaks, and changing administrative practices leading to poorer record
keeping. The Committee balanced the Unit's evidence against the critics
and concluded:
"We are not able to conclude, with any certainty, that a chilling effect
has resulted from the FOI Act ... the Constitution Unit's research, the
most in-depth available, suggests it has only a marginal effect. ... Given
the uncertainty of the evidence we do not recommend any major diminution
of the openness created by the FOI Act" (paras. 200-201, [1]).
Reach has been further extended by: a monthly series of Government
Information Policy seminars, supported by government departments as
subscribers, which ran from 1999 to 2010; an annual conference for FOI
practitioners, FOI Live, which regularly attracted over 300 FOI
practitioners; monthly FOI updates on the FOI pages of the Unit website;
articles for local government and Whitehall journals; and frequent media
appearances.
Sources to corroborate the impact
[1] House of Commons Justice Committee, First Report,
Post-Legislative Scrutiny of the Freedom of Information Act 2000,
available at:
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmjust/96/9602.htm
[2] Ministry of Justice, Memorandum to the Justice Select Committee,
Post-Legislative Assessment of the Freedom of Information Act 2000,
December 2011.
https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/217339/post-legislative-assessment-of-the-foi-act.pdf
[3] See Justice Committee, Minutes of Evidence HC 96-ii, 21 Feb 2012
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmjust/96/120221.htm
[4] The three written submissions to the Commons Justice Committee, are
referenced at the Committee in Post-Legislative Scrutiny of the Freedom of
Information Act 2000 (26 July 2012) HC 96-2 at Ev 126, 169, 194.
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201213/cmselect/cmjust/96/9616.htm