Understanding competing rights: impact on Lord Leveson’s report on the Culture, Practices and Ethics of the Press.
Submitting Institution
University of StirlingUnit of Assessment
PhilosophySummary Impact Type
SocietalResearch Subject Area(s)
Studies In Human Society: Political Science
Law and Legal Studies: Law
Philosophy and Religious Studies: Philosophy
Summary of the impact
Rowan Cruft's work on how a right's moral importance reflects the nature
of its grounds had a significant impact on Lord Leveson's report, in
particular on the principles which Leveson takes to ground a free press.
Cruft was an expert witness at the Inquiry, and his evidence is cited (pp.
62- 4, 71, 84, 88, 1684), forming a major part of the report's theoretical
underpinnings. Cruft's evidence drew together research, presented in
previous publications, on what can be learnt about the weight of different
rights — e.g. individual citizens' rights, the rights of journalists and
media organisations — by examining their grounds.
Underpinning research
Cruft has been employed as a Lecturer and then Senior Lecturer in
Philosophy at Stirling since completing his PhD in 2002. His work focuses
both on what rights are and on what we can learn about the relative
importance of different rights by examining their grounds. See (A) and (F)
in the references below for Cruft's work on the former topic; for the
latter, see (A), (B), (C), (D) and (E). In his written evidence, Cruft
addressed eleven questions put to him by the Leveson Inquiry: questions on
the nature of the public interest in a free press and in freedom of
expression, and on conflicts between these and other values including
privacy and security. Further questions concerned the ethical duties of
the press, and appropriate methods for enforcing such duties. Cruft
answered these questions in 4,500 words of written and 45 minutes of
spoken evidence. Here, Cruft brought his research on the nature and
grounding of rights to bear on the rights of the press and of individual
freedom of expression.
Three ideas developed by Cruft came to the fore in his Inquiry evidence.
First, Cruft has argued that, as well as being useful means for fostering
and upholding valuable relationships, rights and their correlative duties
sometimes partially constitute such relationships (see (B) and (D)). The
notion of the liberal public sphere as constituted by rights — a guiding
theme of Cruft's evidence to the Inquiry - rests on this view that rights
can constitute relationships.
Secondly, Cruft's work distinguishes between rights that are valuable
independently of their effects and rights whose value depends on their
usefulness. An example of the former, Cruft argues, is the moral right not
to be enslaved: this right is held by all persons and benefits a person
even in a slave-holding society in which the right goes unrecognised, for
it is (in a sense explained in (B)) better to be a slave who is wronged by
one's enslavement (even if nobody recognises this) than to be a slave who
lacks the moral status of a wrongable being. By contrast, Cruft argues
that most property rights are purely instrumentally valuable ((C) and
(E)). Kamm and Nagel offer cognate views on the non-instrumental value of
basic rights, but they fail to note that many rights — including those of
ownership and other morally justified socially created rights — are purely
instrumentally valuable. In his evidence, Cruft used this distinction to
differentiate individual liberal rights, some of which are
non-instrumentally valuable, from the rights of media organisations, whose
role is purely instrumental.
Thirdly, building on Raz's work, Cruft has argued that certain rights
(e.g. to freedom of expression, or against slavery) are grounded
individualistically by what they do for their holders, while others (e.g.
property rights, parents' rights to child benefit payments) are grounded
in what they do for people other than the right-holder, such as third
parties or the wider community (see all six references below, especially
(A), (E) and (F)). This played an important part in Cruft's Inquiry
evidence, underpinning his claims that the rights of media organisations
are not justified by what they do for such organisations but only by their
benefits to the wider public, while in contrast some individual rights of
expression and privacy are justified independently of whether they serve
beings other than the right-holder.
References to the research
Cruft, R. `Witness statement of Dr Rowan Cruft', evidence presented to
the Leveson Inquiry. Available here: http://www.levesoninquiry.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/Witness-Statement-of-Dr-Rowan-Cruft.pdf
Researchers for the Inquiry contacted Cruft, asking him to act as an
expert witness. His statement was commissioned by the Inquiry, and is
based on questions put to him by the Inquiry team.
Publications developing ideas that informed the witness statement:
(A) Cruft, R. `Human rights as rights', in G. Ernst and J.-C. Heilinger
(eds.), The Philosophy of Human Rights: Contemporary Controversies
(Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012), pp. 129-158. Invited contribution reviewed by
editors. Other contributors include Samuel Freeman, James Griffin, John
Tasioulas.
(B) Cruft, R. 'On the non-instrumental value of basic rights', Journal
of Moral Philosophy, vol. 7, no. 4 (2010), 441-461.
Peer-reviewed article. It has been selected for republication shortly in
the collection, Law and Legal Theory (Brill, Studies in Moral
Philosophy series, forthcoming 2013), ed. T. Brooks.
(C) Cruft, R. 'Are property rights ever basic human rights?', British
Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 12, no. 1
(2010), 142-154.
Special issue on property rights. Invited contribution reviewed by editor.
(D) Cruft, R. 'What do basic rights demand?' in T. Chappell (ed.), The
Problem of Moral Demandingness (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2009), pp.
35-58.
Invited contribution reviewed by editor. Other contributors include Alan
Carter, John Cottingham, Garrett Cullity, Jennie Louise, Timothy Mulgan,
Onora O'Neill, Christine Swanton, Alan Thomas.
(E) Cruft, R. 'Against individualistic justifications of property
rights', Utilitas, vol. 18, no. 2 (2006), 154-172. Peer-reviewed
article.
(F) Cruft, R. `Rights: Beyond Interest Theory and Will Theory?', Law
and Philosophy, vol. 23, no. 4 (2004), 347-397. Peer-reviewed
article.
This article is cited in the entry, `Rights', §2, in the Stanford
Encyclopedia of Philosophy online as the first of four papers that
move beyond the traditional `Interest' and `Will' theories of rights. Work
on articles (A)-(D) was funded by three AHRC grants: a Research Leave
award (`The Moral Foundations of Rights', Spring 2006, £14,013), a Network
grant bringing together academic and non-academic participants to assess
human rights as a concept for institutionalising values
(`Institutionalising values: beyond human rights?', 2009-11, £49,812) and
an Early Career Research Project focused on the nature of the duties
correlative to rights (`Rights and the Direction of Duties', 2010-12, with
Leif Wenar (KCL) as co-investigator, £74,248).
In addition to this support from the AHRC, further indicators of quality
include the new invitations Cruft's work has generated: to present to the
Aristotelian Society (2013) and to act as lead editor for OUP's landmark Philosophical
Foundations of Human Rights (38 essays; forthcoming 2014; co-ed.
with S. M. Liao and M. Renzo).
Details of the impact
Cruft's evidence had significant impact on the theoretical underpinnings
of the Leveson report. The most considerable impact was on the sections in
which Lord Leveson outlines the principles which he takes to ground the
importance of a free press. In these sections (Vol. I, Part B, Chapter 2,
sections 3 and 4 (pp. 61-65)), Leveson gives significant weight to Cruft's
evidence, citing Cruft four times here and quoting a total of 21 lines
from his evidence. In conjunction with Onora O'Neill's evidence (cited
four times here, quoting a total of 10 lines) and that of Neil Manson and
Christopher Megone (two citations each) and Susan Mendus and Alan
Rusbridger (one citation each), Cruft's work on the value of a free press
is taken as a foundation for the report's approach to the value of a free
press.
Notably, the relevant sections of the report are organised in a way that
mirrors Cruft's evidence and reflects the central distinctions in his
research. The report's Ch. 2, section 3 (`The importance of a free press:
free communication') focuses on the non-instrumental value of freedom of
expression, citing and expounding Cruft's distinction between basic
personal rights to free expression that are individualistically justified
and non-instrumentally valuable, and the rights of press organisations
whose value is purely instrumental, and which cannot be
individualistically justified. Thus for example, section 3 ends with the
claim that `[t]he fundamental point is that unlike freedom of expression
for individuals, which has intrinsic merit as a form of self-expression,
press freedom [...] is largely understood as an instrumental good, to be
valued, promoted and protected to the extent that it is [...] to serve its
important democratic functions' (p. 63). Continuing the continuity with
Cruft's evidence, the report's section 4 (`The importance of a free press:
public debate and holding power to account') moves on to the instrumental
values of a free press, focusing on the two aspects - constraining power
and enabling democratic deliberation - highlighted in Cruft's testimony.
Later, the report's Chapter 3, section 2 (a section focused specifically
on the value of individual freedom of expression) approvingly cites
Cruft's notion of a non-instrumentally valuable liberal public sphere
constituted by certain rights (p. 71). Reference to Cruft's view of the
rights of media organisations as instrumentally and
non-individualistically grounded occurs again on p. 84 (Chapter 4, section
4 `Press ethics and the role of a code of ethics').
A related central aspect of Cruft's work that plays a significant part in
informing the Leveson report is Cruft's view on the relation between moral
duties, professional practice and regulation. For Cruft, the relation
between moral duties, law and regulation is complex; moral duties need not
and sometimes should not be enshrined in law or regulation (see (A) and
(F) above). In Chapter 4, sections 4.15 and 4.16, the report focuses on
what culture and practices would make a media industry recognisably
`ethical'. In 4.16, Lord Leveson quotes 18 lines from Cruft's evidence,
prefacing the quotation thus: `It is worth setting out extracts from some
of the answers to this question which appear to me to be particularly
illuminative'.
In his evidence to the Inquiry, Cruft drew inferences about the
particular requirements that his view of the grounding of competing rights
supports. He suggested that the instrumental grounding for a free press
was compatible with, and might often justify, requiring proprietors,
editors and journalists to declare their financial and political
interests, and to report payments made or received for publishing a story.
This suggestion is cited in the report, Part K (`Regulatory Models for the
Future'), section 8.15 (on the contents of a code of practice for the
press), p. 1684.
In addition to its impact on Lord Leveson's report — and in particular,
its foundational role in the conception of the value of a free press and
freedom of expression grounding the report — Cruft's work on the nature
and grounds of different rights also received a wider public airing
through his participation in the Inquiry. The written and spoken evidence
is in the public sphere, available online on the Inquiry website; Cruft's
spoken evidence was also podcast live on http://www.bbc.co.uk/democracylive/,
where a recording of the session is still available. As a result, Cruft's
evidence was discussed by interested members of the public in online fora
and in several comments (c. 20) on twitter. Cruft also gave a follow-up
talk to students and members of the public in Stirling, outlining the
position he expounded for the Inquiry.
Sources to corroborate the impact