Informing European Armaments and Security Technologies Policy: Enhancing Understanding of the Benefits and Problems of Increasing Cooperation
Submitting Institution
Newcastle UniversityUnit of Assessment
Politics and International StudiesSummary Impact Type
PoliticalResearch Subject Area(s)
Studies In Human Society: Policy and Administration, Political Science
Summary of the impact
This research on European cooperation on armaments and homeland security
technologies policy has informed discussions within the defence and
security policy community. It has enhanced understanding of the most
important requirements and conditions for successful cooperation among key
defence and security policy actors, including European armaments
directors, European parliamentarians and leading think tanks in several
European countries. As a result, it significantly shaped debates that led
to European Union (EU) policy on the pooling of military resources. It has
also been used to inform policy-makers in several countries about the
likely effects of EU armaments policy on the defence industry in Europe.
Finally, it is being used by non-governmental organisations to inform
their campaigns for the introduction of export controls on homeland
security technologies.
Underpinning research
Jocelyn Mawdsley (Lecturer, 2005-current) has conducted research on
defence and security technology policies in Europe, building on her
ESRC-funded PhD research studentship (1997-2000). From 2001-4, she held a
Marie Curie postdoctoral fellowship based first at the Bonn International
Center for Conversion (BICC) and then at the Université libre de
Bruxelles. Her research has included both independent work and
collaborations with Kempin and Steinicke (both Stiftung Wissenschaft und
Politik Berlin).
Mawdsley's work has examined the historical development of European
cooperation on armaments and security technologies and provides a detailed
analysis of the drivers of increased cooperation, obstacles that prevent
or limit cooperation, the conditions for successful cooperation, and the
effects on member states of the EU actively promoting cooperation. Her
ESRC-funded PhD research studied the history of armaments cooperation in
Britain, France and Germany during the 1990s (Mawdsley (2000) The
changing face of European armaments co-operation: continuity and change
in British, French and German armaments policy, 1990-2000, PhD
thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne). Her analysis identified the
drivers of increased cooperation, including falling defence budgets, U.S.
defence restructuring and a decreasing world armaments market. However,
the number of multilateral collaborative procurement projects actually
remained low throughout the 1990s and many of the larger projects (e.g.
Eurofighter and A400M) encountered difficulties. Mawdsley argued that
regardless of the clear logic in favour of greater cooperation, European
level institutions designed to foster cooperation would continue to
struggle unless there was significant convergence in strategic culture,
industrial interests and procurement practices among member states.
Successful cooperation was therefore most likely between smaller groupings
of like-minded states. More recently, she has shown that these issues have
continued to cause difficulties for collaborative procurement projects,
including the flagship A400M military transporter aircraft project [1].
In the last ten years, the EU has increased its influence in armaments
policy through the establishment of the European Defence Agency and the
Commission's growing legislative activism. Mawdsley has examined the
development of EU influence, the response of larger states to potential
restrictions on their sovereignty, and the likely effects on smaller EU
members. In work with Kempin and Steinicke, she argued that Britain and
France, as the most powerful military actors in the EU, have responded by
developing bilateral rather than EU-wide cooperative agreements in order
to secure the future of their own defence industries and technological
capacities [2]. Their analysis shows that EU-wide defence cooperation is
unlikely to satisfy British and French expectations about Europe's future
military capacities. In her research on the effects of EU initiatives on
smaller states, which have often had protectionist procurement regimes to
protect uncompetitive `national champions', she argued that Commission
policies are likely to increase the geographical concentration of the
defence industry in larger member states to the detriment of smaller
states' interest in EU-wide defence cooperation [3].
The development of European armaments policy has been further complicated
by changes to how national security has been understood post-9/11. The
transfer of U.S. homeland security approaches into the European context
has stimulated the growth of new internal security technologies and firms
in Europe. Mawdsley examined how EU policy in this area has evolved and,
in particular, the attempt by the EU to integrate internal security
policies with armaments policies as part of the development of a Common
Security and Defence Policy and an Area of Freedom, Security and Justice
[4]. She has argued that the two sectors are not as interchangeable as has
been suggested, due to the different nature of the firms involved, and
more importantly the type of customer they serve. Moreover, she maintained
that the EU's attempt to promote the internal security industry by
encouraging exports of security technologies, which have subsequently been
used by some regimes to suppress protests, raises neglected ethical and
legal questions about EU policy on export controls.
References to the research
Supporting grants:
Principal Investigator |
Grant Title |
Sponsor |
Period of Grant |
Value |
Jocelyn Mawdsley |
The Merging of Security and Defence in the EU |
Flemish Peace Institute |
September 2011-September 2012 |
€38,401 |
Jocelyn Mawdsley |
The EU and Security Research: Advocacy, Legitimisation and Framing |
British Academy |
February 2008-August 2008 |
£1741 |
Details of the impact
Mawdsley's research programme has enhanced understanding among key policy
actors of the potential problems and benefits of increasing European
co-operation on defence and security technologies policy. She has adopted
a deliberate strategy of collaborating with key government-funded think
tanks (e.g. Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, the Deutsche Gesellschaft
für Auswärtige Politik and the Flemish Peace Institute) to promote wider
use of her research findings by policy-makers, parliamentarians, and
non-governmental organisations (NGOs). In addition, she has developed
close links with policy-makers, leading to invitations to the 2008, 2010
and 2012 EU armaments policy conferences under the respective EU
presidencies of France, Belgium and Cyprus, where she was one of five
academic observers. Her approach has helped to ensure that all three
strands of her work on armaments and security technologies policies have
informed policy debates.
First, Mawdsley's early research at Newcastle on armaments co-operation
underpinned a series of policy papers that she wrote during her Marie
Curie Fellowship, including a report she co-authored with Quille
(International Security Information Service), which was written originally
for the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament and
subsequently published in a longer version (The European Security
Strategy: A New Framework for ESDP and Equipping the EU Rapid Reaction
Force, ISIS Report, Brussels, 2003, available at: http://www.isis-
europe.eu/sites/default/files/publications-downloads/reports_4.pdf).
This examined how the EU might fill its military capability gaps, given
the unlikeliness of additional funding, through innovative cooperation
methods, and drew on her research into the conditions under which
cooperative measures like pooling and sharing might succeed. This work had
a lasting influence on armaments policy debates. In a 2008 strategy paper
on capacity sharing, French Lieutenant-Colonel Coquet, writing for the
leading Paris-based think tank, Institut français des relations
internationales (Ifri), draws heavily on Mawdsley and Quille's proposals
for rationalising military equipment needs through pooling and sharing
[IMP1, pp.14, 18, 20, 22, 36, 38]. Mawdsley and Quille's work was also the
only non-official document cited in a report from the 2009 Conference of
European National Armaments Directors, the senior civil servants
responsible for armaments policy in each state, which strongly urged the
pooling and sharing of military capabilities [IMP2, p.80]. The following
year pooling and sharing was formally endorsed as an EU policy by
Ministers of Defence, and the Ghent Framework established to enable this.
More recently, Mawdsley's research on the troubled history of armaments
co-operation in Europe has continued to inform papers written by key
policy actors. For example, the first EU Chief of Military Staff Graham
Messervy-Whiting and ex-UK ambassador Alyson Bailes, who both served in
the Western European Union (WEU), drew on her account of the cultural and
ideological differences between French and British defence procurement
policies in their 2011 paper on the death of the WEU [IMP3, pp.30ff].
Second, the underpinning research on the effects of EU armaments policy
on member states and how those states have responded has been used to
inform policy-makers in several countries, including Germany, Iceland and
Romania. For example, the 2012 briefing for the German representative on
the French Defence White Book Commission (a major review of French defence
policy) included a copy of her co-authored paper (with Kempin and
Steinicke) on the development of, and problems with, Franco-British
defence agreements [IMP4]. In his 2011 article for Infosera, the
in-house magazine of the Romanian Ministry of Defence, the Director
General of the Romanian Directorate of Defence Intelligence draws on
earlier work by Mawdsley (with Kempin and Steinicke) to argue that while
there may be some co-operation between larger states there remains little
evidence of successful EU-wide co-operation [IMP5, p.11]. Mawdsley's
analysis of the likely effects of EU armaments policies on smaller states
was the basis for a substantial section of a report commissioned by the
Icelandic Defence Agency (2009) on the consequences of EU accession for
Icelandic defence policy [IMP6, pp.32-7]. Her work has also informed
reports by think tanks in France, Germany, Hungary and Poland.
Third, Mawdsley's recent analysis of the development of EU and member
state policy affecting the homeland security industry has informed the
work of parliamentarians and leading NGOs campaigning for export controls
on security technologies. Her preliminary research was presented to an
audience of policy-makers, parliamentarians and NGOs at an event
co-organised by the Flemish Government and several leading think tanks as
part of the Belgian EU presidency activities (November 2010). The evidence
presented was subsequently used to inform a critical response to recent
developments in EU defence and security industry policies in a policy
paper published by the European Parliament Group for the United European
Left/Nordic Green Left [IMP7, pp.31, 42-3, 47]. Her fuller analysis of the
homeland security industry in Europe was funded by the Flemish Peace
Institute and launched at the Flemish Parliament in February 2013 to an
audience of 32 Flemish and European parliamentarians, representatives of
the Flemish export licensing authority, NGOs and journalists. The
influential NGO Statewatch has posted the full report on their website and
her detailed analysis of the gaps in export controls and the policies
shaping the homeland security industry in Europe is already informing the
work of several NGOs, including the Campaign Against the Arms Trade,
Saferworld and the Quaker Council for European Affairs [IMP8]. A senior
researcher and lobbyist for Campagne tegen Wapenhandel (Campaign
Against the Arms Trade, Netherlands) has highlighted the important
contribution that this research has made to their understanding of this
dimension of the arms trade:
"Understanding this sector is of crucial importance for civil society
researchers, lobbyists and activists in the arms control community, as
well as those involved in monitoring the increasing role of security
technology in government's internal security infrastructure. Dr.
Mawdsley's report has helped us to better understand the recent and likely
future developments in EU policies on security technologies. It has
provided new insights into export controls of security technologies, which
we are using to inform our campaigning work in the Netherlands and the EU"
[IMP9].
In sum, Mawdsley's research on the benefits and problems of increasing
co-operation in European armaments and security technologies policy has
reached and informed key defence and security policy actors in
governments, think tanks and NGOs in the EU, Germany, France, Belgium and
several other European countries. It has been systematically influential
throughout the stages of the policy process: influencing the very
preliminary stages where policy possibilities are imagined by key actors
(e.g., Coquet); becoming an important point of reference as possibilities
are narrowed down; and remaining influential as policy preferences are
established and institutionalised. As a result, it has made a distinctive
contribution to policy debates about pooling and sharing, the effects of
EU armaments policy on member states, and the political significance of
the development of the homeland security industry in Europe.
Sources to corroborate the impact
[IMP1] P. Coquet (2008) La notion de partage capacitaire en question,
Institut français des relations internationals, Paris. In French. ISBN :
978-2-86592-336-6. Copy available on request or from IFRI at: http://www.ifri.org.
[IMP2] Rapports Sessions européennes des responsables d'armement (2009) Report:
How to increase the common part of European nations military
requirements?, Les Cahiers du CHEAr, French Ministry of Defence. In
French. Copy available on request or at: http://isbirligi.ssm.gov.tr/Lists/Raporlar/Attachments/6/SERA%2021%20Reports.pdf.
[IMP3] A. Bailes and G. Messervy-Whiting (2011) Death of an
Institution: The end for Western European Union, a future for European
defence? Egmont Royal Institute for International Relations,
Brussels. Copy available on request or at:
http://www.egmontinstitute.be/paperegm/ep46.pdf.
[IMP4] Email from Volker Perthes (Head of Stiftung Wissenschaft und
Politik) to German official Wolfgang Ischinger on 22 August 2012 attaching
research by Mawdsley, Kempin and Steinicke (2012). In German. Copy
available on request.
[IMP5] G. Savu (2011) Parteneriatul Strategic Nato-UE.Rolul
CapabilităŢilor Militare, Infosera, Nr 1/2011 pp.8-16. In Romanian. Copy
available at:
http://www.mapn.ro/publicatii/1_2011_.pdf.
[IMP6] A. Bailes and J. Gudmundsson (2009) The European Defence
Agency (EDA) And Defence Industrial Cooperation: Implications And
Options For Iceland, report for the Icelandic Defence Agency. Copy
available on request.
[IMP7] J. Wagner (2012) Die EU als Rüstungstreiber, in S Lösing MEP (Ed.)
Informationen zu Politik und Gesellschaft, The United European Left/
Nordic Green Left parliamentary party in the European Parliament. In
German. Copy available on request or at:
http://www.dielinke-europa.eu/article/8164.die-eu-als-ruestungstreiber.html.
[IMP8] Quaker Council for European Affairs blog. Copy available on
request or at:
http://qceablog.wordpress.com/2013/03/07/losing-the-way-with-robots-and-inflatable-shields/
[IMP9] Factual statement from a Senior Researcher and Lobbyist for Campagne
tegen Wapenhandel (2013). Copy available on request.